Joshua P. White
Professor Palmer
American Studies
March 31, 2009
Essay 4
Thesis:
If I die in a Combat Zone, Box Me Up and Ship Me Home is an autobiographical account of Tim O’Brien’s tour of duty in Vietnam. His account details his personal struggle as a drafted soldier who did not believe the Vietnam conflict was justified. O’Brien uses the theme of internal disunity to convey the message of privation in the Vietnam War.
Examples of internal conflict:
O’Brien begins by delineating the internal conflict he faced during his tour of duty. He first begins by narrating a typical day in the jungles of Vietnam. On this particular occasion, the shooting was light and no one had died or been wounded that day. O’Brien felt a certain enthusiasm; for the limited casualty rate. Nearing the end of the day, O’Brien began to feel drowsy. He states “optimism always made me sleepy” (O’Brien 6). This quote demonstrates the way in which the tiring hopelessness of the war could only be worsened by good news, as it seemed the only way out of duty was being wounded or killed. The depthless contradiction demonstrated by this quote illuminates the struggle O’Brien faced; as a soldier trying to escape, but not wanting to die.
O’Brien continues by stating his opinion about the Vietnam War. He affirms that he believes he is a liberal and is personally against war in general. Also, he asserts that he believes that the Vietnam War was fought for reasons that were “uncertain,” if not completely irrelevant in comparison to the cost of human lives lost in fighting. He attests; “I was persuaded then, and I remain persuaded now, that the war was wrong” (O’Brien 18). The statement of disagreement with the war written by a soldier forced to fight in it certainly demonstrates the internal struggle O’Brien was faced with in fighting. Continually he makes further comment on his beliefs by informing the reader that, if he had the chance, he would have not have fought at all. He claims; “the matter [was] of conscience and conviction, uncertain and surface-deep but pure nonetheless. I was a confirmed liberal… I would have cast my ballot to end the Vietnam war” (O’brien 22). The point to take part in an effort to end the conflict, if he had the chance, surly demonstrates his conviction against the war. A day-to-day struggle, combined with a lost sense reason inevitably puts the victim in an internal struggle. O’Brien’s situation of fighting a war he did not agree with surely emulates this struggle.
O’Brien continues on to illustrate the series of events that led him into fighting in the war. He details the boot camp, training, and transport process he went through. Furthermore, he details the thoughts of desertion he experienced before he was sent to Vietnam. In conclusion, O’Brien decides that there was no main reason he went to war, in which he states “it was no decision, no chain of ideas or reasons, that steered me into the war. It was an intellectual and physical standoff... I did not want to be a soldier, not even an observer to war” (O’brien 22). The conflict of feelings the author experienced before going to war demonstrates the internal struggle he dealt with. Going through the required motions into conscription as opposed to his morality against the war suggests the existence of this internal contradiction.
“the war in Vietnam drifted in and out of human lives, taking them or sparing them…without evident cause, a war fought for uncertain reasons” (O’Brien 138).
“losing [Captain Johansen] was like the Trojans losing Hector. He gave some amount of reason to fight. Certainly there were never any political reasons” (O’Brien 145).
“when the reports were finalized and guilt apportioned, solatium payments were made to the families of those killed and maimed-twenty dollars for each wounded villager; thirty-three dollars and ninety cents for each death. Certain blood for uncertain reasons” (O’Brien 168).
Examples of message (how the theme effects the reader i.e. if the author argues about hardship, use examples of hardship and relate them to how the reader might feel about them)
“It was like waking up in a cancer ward, no one ambitious to get on with the day, no one with obligations, no plans, nothing to hope for, no dreams for the daylight” (O’brien 9).
“In the next days it took little provocation for us to flick the flint of our Zippo lighters. Thatched roofs take the flame quickly, and on bad days the hamlets of Pinkville burned, taking our revenge in fire. It was good to walk from Pinkville and see the fire behind Alpha company. It was good, just as pure hate is good” (O’Brien 119).
“Scraps of our friends were dropped in plastic body bags. Jet fighters were called in. The hamlet was leveled, and napalm was used. I heard screams in the burning black rubble. I heard the enemy’s AK-47 rifles crack out like impotent pop guns against the jets. There were Viet Cong in that hamlet. And there were babies and children…in there too” (O’Brien 120).
“one of the lieutenants beat on the old men… whipping them…making long cuts into their ankles…none of them talked” (O’Brien132).
“One night last week I watched a spectacular fire fight-gunships sending down red sheets of metal…im only an observer… audience to a tragic Fourth of July celebration” (O’Brien 171).
how does the author’s argument engage one of this course’s themes: empire, inclusion, consumption, or government?
Empire:
“Erik informed [Commander Blyton] of his opposition to the Vietnam war. Erik explained that he believed the war was without just reason, that life ought not to be forfeited unless certain and fundamental principles are at stake, and not unless those principles stand in certain danger… Blyton laughed at him… and called him a coward” (O’brien 36).
“Mad Mark called in gunships. For an hour the helicopters strafed and rocketed Tri Binh 4. The sky and the trees and the hillsides were lighted up by spotlights and tracers and fires… We heard cattle and chickens and dogs dying… In the morning another patrol was sent into the village… We searched Tri Binh 4, then burned most of it down” (O’Brien 84). (overkill)
“I neither hated the man nor wanted him dead, but I feared him” (O’Brien 98). (demonizing the enemy).
Wednesday, March 25, 2009
Tuesday, February 24, 2009
Essay 3
Essay 3
Warren Susman argues that in the Thirties, popular media expressed ideas of a shared American “culture” and a “commitment” to collective interests. Using Susman’s insight, we can ascertain how some visual cultural materials might have been interpreted to support the political viewpoints Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal social welfare liberalism.
Warren Susman was a cultural historian for Rutgers Univesity and wrote several books about social change in the United States. In his book, Culture As History, Susman argues about the overwhelming public outcry for change in the 1930’s. He portrays the 1920’s as a time of stalemate and increased public frustration, and the 1930’s as an expression of that frustration. His book illustrates the parallels between the way in which public desire for change and liberalism in the media developed throughout the 1930’s.
Susman begins by demonstrating the problems the nation faced during the 1920’s. He contends that a lack of political change caused citizens of the United States to quarrel and realize no great political or ideological leaders in that decade. He alleges “But is there such a thing as the twenties? The decade simply falls apart upon examination unto crumbs and pieces which completely contradict each other in their essences…It was all in flux and change with artistic movements evolving into political crises, and where ideas of social service, justice, and religious reaction had their special spokesman” (Susman 151). This argument suggests that political stalemate plagued the 1920’s due to a lack of progressive growth. In addition to that, he contends that no one political figure or ideology embodies that decade and hints at the concern for progressive change.
The author continues on by illustrating the epitome of the lack of social change in the 1920’s. He demonstrates that the individual had “All this stress on conforming to what was demanded by society around us, all this emphasis on ‘fitting in’” (Susman 165). This interpretation of the social experience of the 1920’s defines the result of the lack of progressive change. It identifies the American people as growing frustrated with their current predicament.
Susman develops this argument by outright demonstrating the need for progressive change in the United States. He tells that “for the maker of myths, the propagandist for a cause, the memoirist, the historian, there are frequently different, compelling psychological and social needs dictating different forms and different ways of reconstruction” (Susman 151). This argument suggests that a new, liberating authority must take up governance. He advises that “traditional” (conservative) governance lacks the capacity to solve the problems that arose in the 1920’s and have carried into the 1930’s.
Susman further asserts that the people of the 1920’s grew frustrated with conservatism and, determined to liberate themselves, took political action in the 1930’s. Susman offers that “ the 1930’s appeared to be a period dominated by ideological commitment to Stalinism.” (Susman 151). This drastic shift to the left truly demonstrates the commitment of the people in the United States for change.
On the same note, the author illustrates the way in which this drastic shift in public opinion paralleled a drastic shift in the media as well. He states: “Suddenly we got out of the twilight of the gods into a sort of Boy Scout atmosphere of bare knees and community singing. The typical literary man ceases to be a cultured expatriate with a leaning towards the Church, and becomes an eager-minded schoolboy with a leaning towards communism. If the keynote of the twenties is ‘tragic sense of life,’ the keynote of the new writers is ‘serious purpose’” (Susman 152). This drastic shift to the left in the media accompanied the same shift in public opinion in the 1930’s.
In a speech to the Commonwealth Club on September 23, 1932, Franklin D. Roosevelt expressed the various challenges the nation was facing. He then put forth his argument for solving these problems.
Roosevelt begins by detailing the issues that arose in the 1920’s. He dictates: “It seems that things are in a rut, fixed, settled, that the world has grown old and tired and very much out of joint. this calls for a re—appraisal of values” (Roosevelt 1). This call for a “re-appraisal of values” suggests that Roosevelt agrees with the need for public change and also that he acknowledges the way in which the 1920’s embodied a political stalemate for the nation.
Roosevelt continues by subscribing his view of the changing public will in the United States. He explains that the nation has changed from an individualist-like culture to a more socialist-like culture. He asserts “I have traveled in many parts of the world, but never have I felt the arresting thought of the change and development more that here, where the old, mystic East would seem to be near to us, where the currents of life and thought and commerce of the whole world meet us. This factor alone is sufficient to cause man to stop and think of the deeper meaning of things, when he stands in this community” (Roosevelt 1). This argument suggests that the United States has changed into a more cooperative, symbiotic community. This statement also supports the argument that the political stalemate of the 1920’s could not continue, as public support wanes.
To further this argument Roosevelt asserts his political standing. He demonstrates his belief in this up-and-coming socialist trend in the United States by affirming that “This implication is, briefly, that the responsible heads of finance and industry instead of acting each for himself, must work together to achieve the common end” (Roosevelt 2). This statement affirms Roosevelt’s socialist-like beliefs in correlation with the beliefs of the general public.
To finally assert his political beliefs, Roosevelt simply states “we must all shoulder our common load” (Roosevelt 3).This quote truly illustrates Roosevelt’s assumption that the 1930’s demonstrated a new socialist belief system in the American public. Furthermore, Roosevelt establishes his liberal political beliefs.
During the period of the 1930’s, the American media seems to portray qualities of commitment and culture in their work. This interpretation commits support to the cause for Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal liberalism.
Jacob Lawrence’s “Migration Series” published in 1941 portrays the destitution of the African American traveling North to find work. The observer of these works cannot help but feel troubled about the predicament of those portrayed therein. Furthermore, this empathy evoking depiction certainly supports Roosevelt’s New Deal liberalism, as the observer cannot help but want to provide assistance for the destitute in the portrayal.
Interpretation of Wilfred Mead’s CCC photos could yield support for New Deal liberalism. The images of working men, displaying masculinity and virility, inspire Americans around the possibilities of the American work force. This idea of support for the worker unquestionably supports New Deal liberalism, as it portrays socialist-like messages.
In Jenne’s “Development of the Land,” the painting delineates workers in the field and in the factories. It exhibits the hardships of the workers as well as the change in the capitalization of the land they work on. The painting depicts the workers in such a way as to evoke emotion and support of the workers in the viewer. This support demonstrates the way in which media of the time bolstered New Deal liberalism.
Gropper’s “Construction of The Dam” illustrates workers collaborating in order to construct a dam. This image undoubtedly evokes emotions of pride in the observer. This pride demonstrates the way in which public opinion supported the worker’s rights, and therefore New Deal liberalism.
In Fogel’s paintings entitled “industrial Life” he depicts the cooperation that workers in a factory bring about in order to achieve a common goal. The observer of these paintings undoubtedly comprehends the social implications, that of working together for a common goal in society. This idea certainly supports the ideals of New Deal liberalism. Continually, his painting “Security of the Family” depicts the benefits that cooperative societies can enjoy. The observer unquestionably sobers at the depiction of these benefits. This sobering effect surely illustrates the media’s support for New Deal liberalism.
Using the insight of Warren Susman, we can ascertain how some visual cultural materials might have been interpreted to support the political viewpoints of Roosevelt’s New Deal social welfare liberalism.
Bibliography:
Susman, Warren. “Culture as History.” New York: Pantheon Books, 1984.
Roosevelt, Franklin D. “Commonwealth Club Address.” Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs at Ashland University. 2006, Ashland University. http://blackboard.gwu.edu/webapps/portal/frameset.jsp?tab_id=_2_1&url=%2fwebapps%2fblackboard%2fexecute%2flauncher%3ftype%3dCourse%26id%3d_119600_1%26url%3d
Warren Susman argues that in the Thirties, popular media expressed ideas of a shared American “culture” and a “commitment” to collective interests. Using Susman’s insight, we can ascertain how some visual cultural materials might have been interpreted to support the political viewpoints Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal social welfare liberalism.
Warren Susman was a cultural historian for Rutgers Univesity and wrote several books about social change in the United States. In his book, Culture As History, Susman argues about the overwhelming public outcry for change in the 1930’s. He portrays the 1920’s as a time of stalemate and increased public frustration, and the 1930’s as an expression of that frustration. His book illustrates the parallels between the way in which public desire for change and liberalism in the media developed throughout the 1930’s.
Susman begins by demonstrating the problems the nation faced during the 1920’s. He contends that a lack of political change caused citizens of the United States to quarrel and realize no great political or ideological leaders in that decade. He alleges “But is there such a thing as the twenties? The decade simply falls apart upon examination unto crumbs and pieces which completely contradict each other in their essences…It was all in flux and change with artistic movements evolving into political crises, and where ideas of social service, justice, and religious reaction had their special spokesman” (Susman 151). This argument suggests that political stalemate plagued the 1920’s due to a lack of progressive growth. In addition to that, he contends that no one political figure or ideology embodies that decade and hints at the concern for progressive change.
The author continues on by illustrating the epitome of the lack of social change in the 1920’s. He demonstrates that the individual had “All this stress on conforming to what was demanded by society around us, all this emphasis on ‘fitting in’” (Susman 165). This interpretation of the social experience of the 1920’s defines the result of the lack of progressive change. It identifies the American people as growing frustrated with their current predicament.
Susman develops this argument by outright demonstrating the need for progressive change in the United States. He tells that “for the maker of myths, the propagandist for a cause, the memoirist, the historian, there are frequently different, compelling psychological and social needs dictating different forms and different ways of reconstruction” (Susman 151). This argument suggests that a new, liberating authority must take up governance. He advises that “traditional” (conservative) governance lacks the capacity to solve the problems that arose in the 1920’s and have carried into the 1930’s.
Susman further asserts that the people of the 1920’s grew frustrated with conservatism and, determined to liberate themselves, took political action in the 1930’s. Susman offers that “ the 1930’s appeared to be a period dominated by ideological commitment to Stalinism.” (Susman 151). This drastic shift to the left truly demonstrates the commitment of the people in the United States for change.
On the same note, the author illustrates the way in which this drastic shift in public opinion paralleled a drastic shift in the media as well. He states: “Suddenly we got out of the twilight of the gods into a sort of Boy Scout atmosphere of bare knees and community singing. The typical literary man ceases to be a cultured expatriate with a leaning towards the Church, and becomes an eager-minded schoolboy with a leaning towards communism. If the keynote of the twenties is ‘tragic sense of life,’ the keynote of the new writers is ‘serious purpose’” (Susman 152). This drastic shift to the left in the media accompanied the same shift in public opinion in the 1930’s.
In a speech to the Commonwealth Club on September 23, 1932, Franklin D. Roosevelt expressed the various challenges the nation was facing. He then put forth his argument for solving these problems.
Roosevelt begins by detailing the issues that arose in the 1920’s. He dictates: “It seems that things are in a rut, fixed, settled, that the world has grown old and tired and very much out of joint. this calls for a re—appraisal of values” (Roosevelt 1). This call for a “re-appraisal of values” suggests that Roosevelt agrees with the need for public change and also that he acknowledges the way in which the 1920’s embodied a political stalemate for the nation.
Roosevelt continues by subscribing his view of the changing public will in the United States. He explains that the nation has changed from an individualist-like culture to a more socialist-like culture. He asserts “I have traveled in many parts of the world, but never have I felt the arresting thought of the change and development more that here, where the old, mystic East would seem to be near to us, where the currents of life and thought and commerce of the whole world meet us. This factor alone is sufficient to cause man to stop and think of the deeper meaning of things, when he stands in this community” (Roosevelt 1). This argument suggests that the United States has changed into a more cooperative, symbiotic community. This statement also supports the argument that the political stalemate of the 1920’s could not continue, as public support wanes.
To further this argument Roosevelt asserts his political standing. He demonstrates his belief in this up-and-coming socialist trend in the United States by affirming that “This implication is, briefly, that the responsible heads of finance and industry instead of acting each for himself, must work together to achieve the common end” (Roosevelt 2). This statement affirms Roosevelt’s socialist-like beliefs in correlation with the beliefs of the general public.
To finally assert his political beliefs, Roosevelt simply states “we must all shoulder our common load” (Roosevelt 3).This quote truly illustrates Roosevelt’s assumption that the 1930’s demonstrated a new socialist belief system in the American public. Furthermore, Roosevelt establishes his liberal political beliefs.
During the period of the 1930’s, the American media seems to portray qualities of commitment and culture in their work. This interpretation commits support to the cause for Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal liberalism.
Jacob Lawrence’s “Migration Series” published in 1941 portrays the destitution of the African American traveling North to find work. The observer of these works cannot help but feel troubled about the predicament of those portrayed therein. Furthermore, this empathy evoking depiction certainly supports Roosevelt’s New Deal liberalism, as the observer cannot help but want to provide assistance for the destitute in the portrayal.
Interpretation of Wilfred Mead’s CCC photos could yield support for New Deal liberalism. The images of working men, displaying masculinity and virility, inspire Americans around the possibilities of the American work force. This idea of support for the worker unquestionably supports New Deal liberalism, as it portrays socialist-like messages.
In Jenne’s “Development of the Land,” the painting delineates workers in the field and in the factories. It exhibits the hardships of the workers as well as the change in the capitalization of the land they work on. The painting depicts the workers in such a way as to evoke emotion and support of the workers in the viewer. This support demonstrates the way in which media of the time bolstered New Deal liberalism.
Gropper’s “Construction of The Dam” illustrates workers collaborating in order to construct a dam. This image undoubtedly evokes emotions of pride in the observer. This pride demonstrates the way in which public opinion supported the worker’s rights, and therefore New Deal liberalism.
In Fogel’s paintings entitled “industrial Life” he depicts the cooperation that workers in a factory bring about in order to achieve a common goal. The observer of these paintings undoubtedly comprehends the social implications, that of working together for a common goal in society. This idea certainly supports the ideals of New Deal liberalism. Continually, his painting “Security of the Family” depicts the benefits that cooperative societies can enjoy. The observer unquestionably sobers at the depiction of these benefits. This sobering effect surely illustrates the media’s support for New Deal liberalism.
Using the insight of Warren Susman, we can ascertain how some visual cultural materials might have been interpreted to support the political viewpoints of Roosevelt’s New Deal social welfare liberalism.
Bibliography:
Susman, Warren. “Culture as History.” New York: Pantheon Books, 1984.
Roosevelt, Franklin D. “Commonwealth Club Address.” Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs at Ashland University. 2006, Ashland University. http://blackboard.gwu.edu/webapps/portal/frameset.jsp?tab_id=_2_1&url=%2fwebapps%2fblackboard%2fexecute%2flauncher%3ftype%3dCourse%26id%3d_119600_1%26url%3d
Tuesday, February 10, 2009
Amer. paper 2
The way in which women and their allies in the 1890's counter the dominant culture's demeaning significations is through the implementation of a college education, romance novels, and a new wave of logical thought.
The first way in which women attempt to liberate themselves is through the attainment of a college education. In Anzia Yezierska's novel Bread Givers, she depicts the story of a poor jewish girl living in the ghetto of New York's lower East Side. She chronicals the struggles that Sara Smolinsky, the main character, must overcome in order to build a life for herself. The novel portrays the hardships that a woman seeking independence must endure in order to liberate herself. In one particular quote of determination, Sara exclaims “I’ll…show them all… [I will] make myself somebody great-and have them come begging favours at my feet” ( Yezierska 155). This quote embodies the attitude that a women must have in order to counter the dominant culture's demeaning significations of females. It exhibits the hardness and stubbornness that a woman must abide by in order to liberate herself. Continually, the novel explains the path in which a woman must under take in order to liberate herself. In the time when this quote occurred, Sara was very upset about the unlikely chance she had at liberating herself “And then it all flashed to me. The story from the Sunday paper. A girl-slaving away in the shop. Her hair was already turning gray, and nothing had ever happened to her. Then suddenly she began to study in the night school, then college. And worked and studied, on and on, till she became a teacher in the schools. A school teacher-I! I say myself sitting back like a lady at my desk, the children, their eyes on me, watching and waiting for me to call out the different ones to the board, to spell a word, or answer me a question. It was like looking up to the top of the highest skyscraper while down in the gutter” (Yezierska 155). This quote portrays the adversity that a woman would have to endure in the 1890's in order to liberate herself. Furthermore, this quote explains the way in which women could liberate themselves without the help of a man.
The next way in which women attempt to liberate themselves is through popular culture. In Amy Kaplan's The Anarchy of Empire in The Making of U.S. Culture, she argues that women are becoming more liberalized as the United States advances into other territories. This liberalization is being portrayed in the romance novels of the time. In one particular quote, Kaplan demonstrates the relationship between the hero (the male) and the heroine (the female). She states “The chivalric
rescue narrative makes him dependent on the liberation and subjugation of the willing heroine, who serves as a composite figure for the New Woman at home and the subjects of the new empire abroad” (Kaplan 95). The argument Kaplan is putting forth here is that the woman is making the choice to let the hero save her, thus she is capable of personal choice and is not the captive of man. This quote demonstrates the way in which women were using print as a form of liberalization. Continually, Kaplan continues on to argue that women have more than the power of choice, they also possess the power of individualism. She contends that “The women who are liberated in these novels have already in a sense saved themselves; by virtue of their love for the hero they have proven themselves ahead of their time. Cast in the role of the New Woman; independent, self-reliant, and adventurous” (Kaplan 107). This quote further argues that the way in which women are liberating themselves is through these writings of heroism. The main argument is that if there is a hero, there must also be an independent heroine.
Another way in which women attempt to liberate themselves is by seeking employment. In Alaine Locke's Enter The New Negro, he affirms that the black population (as well as the female population) in the United States has attempted to gain liberation by populating northern cities in hopes of seeking employment. He contends that “A main change has been, of course, that shifting of the Negro population which has made the Negro problem no longer exclusively or even predominantly Southern. Why should our minds remain sectionalized, when the problem itself no longer is? Then the trend of migration has not only been toward the North and the Central Midwest, but city-ward and to the great centers of industry” (Locke 3). In this quote, Locke is claiming that the Negro is attempting to liberate himself, and thus seek the recognition of his white brethren, by framing a respectable goal for himself. This relates to the way in which women are seeking liberation through employment. Both Negroes and women are pursuing a respectable ambition in the hopes of liberation from a culture that demeans them.
An additional way in which women attempt to liberate themselves is simply through the use of common logic and emotion to sway public perception. This is presented in Alaine Locke's Enter The New Negro as well as James Van Der Zee's Harlem Studio Photographs. Locke attempts to explain the way in which the “New Negro” has used logic when he expresses “The intelligent Negro of today is resolved not to make discrimination an extenuation for his shortcomings in performance, individual or collective; he is trying to hold himself at par, neither inflated by sentimental allowances nor depreciated by current social discounts. For this he must know himself and be known for precisely what he is, and for that reason he welcomes the new scientific rather than the old sentimental interest” (Locke 3). Locke is arguing here that the Negro, as with any oppressed people, is attempting to prove his worth to his oppressors. This can be related to the way in which women attempt to liberate themselves in a demeaning society by using scientific explanation to demonstrate their equality. In addition to that, James Van Der Zee's Harlem Studio Photographs portray the way in which black individuals live in poverty and yet still manage to remain cultured, learned, and respectable. This relates to womens struggle for liberation in that both live in captivity, however both have the capacity to be equal to their captors.
By seeking employment, education, public acceptance, and popular culture; the women and her allies attempt to liberate themselves from their culture's demeaning signification
The first way in which women attempt to liberate themselves is through the attainment of a college education. In Anzia Yezierska's novel Bread Givers, she depicts the story of a poor jewish girl living in the ghetto of New York's lower East Side. She chronicals the struggles that Sara Smolinsky, the main character, must overcome in order to build a life for herself. The novel portrays the hardships that a woman seeking independence must endure in order to liberate herself. In one particular quote of determination, Sara exclaims “I’ll…show them all… [I will] make myself somebody great-and have them come begging favours at my feet” ( Yezierska 155). This quote embodies the attitude that a women must have in order to counter the dominant culture's demeaning significations of females. It exhibits the hardness and stubbornness that a woman must abide by in order to liberate herself. Continually, the novel explains the path in which a woman must under take in order to liberate herself. In the time when this quote occurred, Sara was very upset about the unlikely chance she had at liberating herself “And then it all flashed to me. The story from the Sunday paper. A girl-slaving away in the shop. Her hair was already turning gray, and nothing had ever happened to her. Then suddenly she began to study in the night school, then college. And worked and studied, on and on, till she became a teacher in the schools. A school teacher-I! I say myself sitting back like a lady at my desk, the children, their eyes on me, watching and waiting for me to call out the different ones to the board, to spell a word, or answer me a question. It was like looking up to the top of the highest skyscraper while down in the gutter” (Yezierska 155). This quote portrays the adversity that a woman would have to endure in the 1890's in order to liberate herself. Furthermore, this quote explains the way in which women could liberate themselves without the help of a man.
The next way in which women attempt to liberate themselves is through popular culture. In Amy Kaplan's The Anarchy of Empire in The Making of U.S. Culture, she argues that women are becoming more liberalized as the United States advances into other territories. This liberalization is being portrayed in the romance novels of the time. In one particular quote, Kaplan demonstrates the relationship between the hero (the male) and the heroine (the female). She states “The chivalric
rescue narrative makes him dependent on the liberation and subjugation of the willing heroine, who serves as a composite figure for the New Woman at home and the subjects of the new empire abroad” (Kaplan 95). The argument Kaplan is putting forth here is that the woman is making the choice to let the hero save her, thus she is capable of personal choice and is not the captive of man. This quote demonstrates the way in which women were using print as a form of liberalization. Continually, Kaplan continues on to argue that women have more than the power of choice, they also possess the power of individualism. She contends that “The women who are liberated in these novels have already in a sense saved themselves; by virtue of their love for the hero they have proven themselves ahead of their time. Cast in the role of the New Woman; independent, self-reliant, and adventurous” (Kaplan 107). This quote further argues that the way in which women are liberating themselves is through these writings of heroism. The main argument is that if there is a hero, there must also be an independent heroine.
Another way in which women attempt to liberate themselves is by seeking employment. In Alaine Locke's Enter The New Negro, he affirms that the black population (as well as the female population) in the United States has attempted to gain liberation by populating northern cities in hopes of seeking employment. He contends that “A main change has been, of course, that shifting of the Negro population which has made the Negro problem no longer exclusively or even predominantly Southern. Why should our minds remain sectionalized, when the problem itself no longer is? Then the trend of migration has not only been toward the North and the Central Midwest, but city-ward and to the great centers of industry” (Locke 3). In this quote, Locke is claiming that the Negro is attempting to liberate himself, and thus seek the recognition of his white brethren, by framing a respectable goal for himself. This relates to the way in which women are seeking liberation through employment. Both Negroes and women are pursuing a respectable ambition in the hopes of liberation from a culture that demeans them.
An additional way in which women attempt to liberate themselves is simply through the use of common logic and emotion to sway public perception. This is presented in Alaine Locke's Enter The New Negro as well as James Van Der Zee's Harlem Studio Photographs. Locke attempts to explain the way in which the “New Negro” has used logic when he expresses “The intelligent Negro of today is resolved not to make discrimination an extenuation for his shortcomings in performance, individual or collective; he is trying to hold himself at par, neither inflated by sentimental allowances nor depreciated by current social discounts. For this he must know himself and be known for precisely what he is, and for that reason he welcomes the new scientific rather than the old sentimental interest” (Locke 3). Locke is arguing here that the Negro, as with any oppressed people, is attempting to prove his worth to his oppressors. This can be related to the way in which women attempt to liberate themselves in a demeaning society by using scientific explanation to demonstrate their equality. In addition to that, James Van Der Zee's Harlem Studio Photographs portray the way in which black individuals live in poverty and yet still manage to remain cultured, learned, and respectable. This relates to womens struggle for liberation in that both live in captivity, however both have the capacity to be equal to their captors.
By seeking employment, education, public acceptance, and popular culture; the women and her allies attempt to liberate themselves from their culture's demeaning signification
Wednesday, January 21, 2009
Imagined Communities and Myths around the Fairey Symbol for Obama
King and Country
Throughout the recent days, we have witnessed a historical event in the United States. The Inauguration of Mr. Barack Obama as president is undoubtedly a profound step in the American ideology of freedom. However, we must also understand the myth-making capability that this election has entailed.
The Fairey image of Barack Obama has become an icon around America. The image is posted on billboards, t-shirts, hats, and even coffee mugs. The image has been so profound that it has forgone the traditional definition of “brand-old message art” and has created a myth about Barack Obama himself.
The Fairey image has come to represent many of the ideals Americans hold dear. Through this representation, the image has become a symbol among many. This symbol however, may not necessarily be an accurate description of the man it portrays. An example of this would be the image of Abraham Lincoln. This is a symbol that no longer represents Abraham Lincoln as the man he was, but for the ideals he stood for. We see the image of Abraham Lincoln and we are undoubtedly conjuring images of Gettysburg battlefields, the Emancipation Proclamation, and the cry of “sic simper tyrannis” in Ford’s theatre. We do not consider the man Lincoln was behind the scenes. Similarly, the Fairey image has accomplished this end. We look at this picture of Barack Obama and we see the ideals we believe he stands for. We see the hope for the future and a bright light in the darkness.
Although I do not doubt Mr. Obama’s intentions in the least, I am simply arguing that we are looking at the ideals of the man, rather than the man himself. We see our ideals of what is right and good in America without seeing the childhood, private life, or dreams of Mr. Obama. Through this we have created the Fairey image, and in fact Mr. Obama himself, into a symbol that we use to represent what we believe is right.
This symbol has been very powerful. During the inauguration you would be hard-pressed to find anyone not wearing the Fairey image, or a knockoff of the image. You could purchase Obama t-shirts, hats, gloves, and even bookmarks to demonstrate your belief in what this image stands for. During that day I recall images of fragile old ladies waving American flags and wearing Obama jackets, of teenagers loudly chanting “no more Bush” in a uniform of the red, white, and blue Obama image, and of small children attempting to make their voices heard over the deafening crowd while wearing Obama mittens and scarves. People were willing to line up in hordes to purchase overpriced, useless merchandise that in no way actually represents the man that Barack Obama actually is.
Although Mr. Obama is just a man, we have built him up into a saint, a savior, and a hero. Even though he is just the same as everyone else, we see him as an icon that keeps on beaming. We see him as an infallible leader of the people. I actually feel some sympathy for the man, as now he is under a lot of pressure to not mess up. It would seem that Mr. Obama, or his image rather, has such an unrivaled support of the people that he has already made himself into an item for the history books.
The title I chose for this paper is “King and Country.” I chose this because the image of Obama, represents more than just himself as an individual. He represents one of the most powerful leaders in recent times, a testament to the progress we have made since Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I have a dream” speech, and a profound uniting figure for this country. It would seem that Inauguration day contained the same fervor and relevance as Dr. King’s speech did forty years ago. The raucous cries from the crowd and chanting of “yes we can” surely startles images of that day in August. We cannot help but recognize the similarities of Mr. Obama to other historical figures. We have put him up on a column and we expect nothing but the very best from this man. Overall, it would seem that the image of Mr. Obama has more power and courage than any living man could ever hope to possess.
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